Iran
Even before the recent revolution sparked by the death of the Kurdish woman Zhina Mahsa Amini, the Iranian regime had long discriminated against the Kurds. Crackdown on activists has been ongoing for decades. The targeted activists also included unions of teachers, laborers, and environmentalists. Unknown to many, the Iranian regime’s racist policies have long been used against Kurds. For example, after a staged trial, a Kurdish language teacher named Zara Mohammadi was sentenced to five years in prison in January of 2022. Mohammadi became a threat to the regime for teaching the mother language to children and collecting aid for people affected by natural disasters. Mohammadi is one example of hundreds of Kurdish activists remaining behind bars, sentenced to long prison times and execution. While the recent uprising after Amini’s death has been the most prominent civilian movement demanding regime change, anti-government protests broke out on several occasions in 2022. On January 30, teachers across the country protested the poor living conditions amid the rise in prices. Dozens of Kurdish teachers were jailed for partaking in demonstrations. Likewise, in May, June, and July, the Kurdish region protested against the deteriorating living conditions after wheat prices tripled. Simultaneously, the Kurdish region held general strikes more than ten times throughout the year. However, even a general strike faced persecution by the authorities as many shops were marked and banned later from reopening for weeks. The regime also punished many Kurds for celebrating the Kurdish new year, Newroz. Non-Kurds also celebrate the Newroz holiday, but the Kurdistan region holds it with Kurdish songs and dances, which have been banned since the establishment of the Islamic Republic. Moreover, through 2022, many political activists were jailed for “membership” in Kurdish opposition parties, an accusation the regime often uses against critics of authoritarianism. Furthermore, the poor economy and Iranian Rial currency hitting historic lows has created conditions ripe for protests, which started after the death of Amini. The regime has not spared any chance to suppress the protesters, killing hundreds, wounding thousands, and jailing tens of thousands. In the Kurdish region alone, at least 130 have been killed since September 17 when protests broke out. The regime’s tool to oppress demonstrators remains the infamous Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) alongside the intelligence services (Ettela’at). The regime remains committed to its hijab laws as if nothing has happened, and the country is not on the verge of a big change. Finally, the Kurdish border workers (kolbars) have carried the heaviest burden on Iran’s economy as dozens were killed and wounded by the regime in 2022. Yet, they continue a dangerous path to make low wages because of unemployment opportunities.
Iraq
In 2022 the Kurdistan Region remained vulnerable to regional attacks and aggressions. In 2022, the Iranian regime and its Iraqi proxies attacked the region at least 17 times, causing mass civilian casualties and disability. Attacks targeted the exiled Iranian Kurdish opposition groups, oil and gas facilities, and US bases in the capital, Erbil. While the Iraqi government condemned these attacks, no actions were followed, and Iran continues to be the main factor in the destabilization of Iraq, including the Kurdistan Region. Like Iran, the Turkish government launched numerous attacks on the region and set up more bases as deep as 30 miles inside Kurdistan under the pretext of fighting the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). The Turkish attacks resulted in the death of 21 civilians, including tourists. The Iraqi government’s official appeal to the United Nations Security Council to obligate Turkey to withdraw its forces did not result in tangible outcomes. In contrast, Turkish forces continued to occupy more Iraqi territory.
Internally, the formation of the new Iraqi government was engineered by Iran after more than a year of dispute among the parties. The new government vowed to end the outstanding issues between Baghdad and Erbil, such as the revenues of the natural resources, salaries of Kurdistan’s employees, and the issue of the disputed territories. Though unclear if Baghdad will deliver on its promises, the situation in the disputed territories remains unstable for Kurds. In 2022, the discrimination policies toward the Kurds across the disputed territories have led many Kurds to leave their homes, especially in Khanaqin. In Kirkuk, more security and administrative posts were stripped from Kurds and given to non-Kurds. The corruption by the administration imposed on Kirkuk by Baghdad has resulted in poor essential services leading to dozens of protests in 2022. Moreover, the martial laws and the military presence in the Kurdish neighborhoods have harassed the Kurdish population across Kirkuk. Repeated calls by parties and officials to end the marital laws in Kirkuk resulted in further crackdown than a solution. Concurrently, ISIS (Da’esh) terrorists have launched hundreds of attacks, taking advantage of the security vacuum between the Peshmerga and the federal forces across the region. The Yazidis also continue to struggle with security and economic instability in Shingal (Sinjar). Many of the displaced Yazidis returned to their homes for a short while but left the town again. Different types of militias and government forces have perplexed locals of returning while the federal government lacks delivering its earlier pledges to reconstruct the town and remove armed troops outside. Lastly, the Kurdish division, mainly between the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), has been exploited by Kurds’ adversaries to further weaken the Kurdistan Regional Government’s (KRG) entity. The two parties have yet to meet and overcome the recent issues.
Syria
The existential threats have followed the Autonomous Administration of North and East of Syria (AANES), mainly due to Turkey’s aggression. The Turkish forces and its Syrian proxies have bombed the region weekly killing dozens of US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and civilians. The hundreds of Turkish attacks in 2022 killed 18 children, and destroyed infrastructure such as oil, water, and gas plants, causing a humanitarian crisis. Turkey’s use of drones has dramatically increased, assassinating senior officials of the ANNES and the SDF. On November 23, the Turkish drones struck SDF elements in the US compound, 300 meters away from American troops. This unprecedented aggression killed several anti-Da’esh local forces. The threat of a new Turkish invasion remains high despite the US being able to stop Turkey for now. That said, Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan turned to Russia for his occupation plans and agreed to normalize relations with the Syrian regime as long as it will remove the AANES. The Turkish attacks have already helped ISIS (Da’esh) and the terror organization will take advantage of the SDF’s resisting Turkey while pausing anti-terrorist operations with the US. The terrorist organization still launches daily attacks, especially in the Sunni areas, killing members of security forces and civilians. The terror organization remains dangerous and they were successful in a prison break earlier this year, resulting in the escape of several senior terrorists.
Other threats to the AANES and the SDF remain the Assad regime that refuses the acceptance of any entity other than the dictatorship in Damascus. On one side, many experts and even former government officials called for the Kurds to reach agreements with the Assad regime. However, several senior Kurdish politicians repeatedly said that the Assad regime wants the region back to its authoritarian system without any concession to its power.
Turkey
The Turkish government led by the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) endured racist policies against the Kurds and the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP). President Erdogan did not spare a moment to crack down on HDP members and supporters, jailing hundreds more in 2022. Since 2015, the Turkish government has arrested 16,000 HDP members and supporters, imprisoning 5,000, including senior Kurdish politicians and leaders. Moreover, after dozens of HDP lawmakers were stripped from their parliamentary seats in the previous years, on December 23, another Kurdish lawmaker, Semra Guzel, lost her seat after being accused of “terrorism”—a term used often to crack down on Kurds. Guzel, alongside her fellow HDP politicians, visited the PKK with her fellow HDP politician during negotiations for the peace process. However, the government turned pictures of her deceased fiancé as a card to further contain the HDP’s size in the parliament. Meanwhile, the closure case of the HDP is still pending a decision by Turkey’s constitutional court, which a ruling likely will be issued by the June 2023 elections to avoid the Kurds from running in elections. Another pressure card on the HDP is the trials of 108 HDP politicians in what is known as the “Kobani trials,” where Kurds face a political ban for life. Erdogan’s constant statements and wars against the Kurds have created a toxic environment in Turkey where Kurds often face racist attacks. On February 22, several Kurdish students were beaten in Antalya by a racist group. Hate crimes have peaked under the current government, especially in 2020 and 2021. Likewise, the police aggression against Kurdish journalists continued and resulted in assaults on reports on several occasions. The policies of the authoritarianism of Erdogan have laid its shadow on the opposition. The “table of six,” which includes Turkish opposition parties, have yet to accept the HDP in their coalition for the next election, slimming the chance of Erdogan’s defeat. While 2022 looked more like previous years for the Kurds in Turkey, 2023 remains an essential year for the Kurdish political future in the country amid silence by the international powers of atrocities committed by Erdogan against the second-largest population with the third-largest opposition party.
Despite significant challenges and wars, the Kurds achieved notable progress across Greater Kurdistan in 2022. For example, two major Iranian Kurdish parties merged with their splinters, uniting the Kurdish voice against the regime. In Iraq, the KRG has implemented plans to unite the Peshmerga forces. At the same time, they were able to maneuver the regional challenges imposed by Iran and Turkey and pressure Baghdad to send some of its budget dues. In Syria, the North and East of Syria remain the most stable region, especially economically, compared to areas under the Turkish and Syrian regimes. In Turkey, the Kurds continue playing a vital role in the country’s future despite the immense pressure from authoritarian president Erdogan. Finally, the Kurds remain the most reliable partners to the western countries, especially the US. However, the US commitment to Kurds is exclusive to the war on terrorism, not the Kurdish question—a critical global issue.