Washington Kurdish Institute
June 27, 2018
The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), a proudly multiethnic military alliance is the US’s most prominent ally in Syria, comprising dozens of local defense forces. The establishment of the SDF was announced on October 10th, 2015 at a press conference in Al-Malikiya in the Hasakah Governorate as a combination of the Kurdish People’s Defense Units (YPG) and Women’s Defense Units (YPJ), Arab, Turkmen, and Syriac forces which had suffered at the hands of the so-called Islamic State (ISIS), as well as Bashar al-Assad’s regime. The YPG forces, which comprise the bulk of the SDF’s manpower, were initially formed in 2012 by Kurdish political groups in Syria. The goal of the YPG was to defend ethnically Kurdish people and territory during an increasingly tense and dangerous period. The rise of ISIS changed the situation significantly, as all actors in Syria faced a severe threat from the rapid expansion and wanton brutality of the terror group, which rose to international prominence in 2014. Even prior to the creation of the SDF, the YPG was the most effective Syrian military force against ISIS, and demonstrated a capacity to repurpose the guerilla techniques and high-mobility tactics popular with the extremist group to its advantage. The tactical efficiency of the Kurdish forces has translated well in their new role in the SDF and has been displayed through the numerous encounters with ISIS and Turkish-backed Islamist rebels during the past few years of conflict.
The US has since seized upon the SDF as a valuable ally in dealing with the Islamic State, however as the conflict has drawn out, and the threat posed by the terror group has diminished, questions have been raised about the US role in supporting these groups. The animosity between the SDF and Turkey has become a growing concern, as Turkish military intervention in Syria has seen them come into conflict with YPG units in the Kurdish canton of Afrin. Turkey sees the YPG as a terror group, a view which is not shared by most nations who are members of the US-led coalition. The United States finds itself in the unenviable position of choosing between fellow NATO member Turkey and its main partner in Syria, the SDF, and the goals of these parties run contrary to each other. The city of Manbij has become the latest focal point for these divergent interests, as the US agreed to allow Turkish forces to occupy the city after YPG military advisers depart, with US and French special forces remaining. The agreement was made in the hopes of appeasing the Turkish government’s stated desire for control of the area, without bloodshed. The US concession of Manbij is a risky move, which tests US-Turkish trust and strength of collaboration. It remains to be seen whether Manbij will prove to be satisfying to a Turkish state which has been consistently intensifying its presence in Syria over the past year, however, so far, all parties have honored the agreement.
The hope is that Manbij will become a workable buffer zone that allows the US, Turkey, and the SDF to pursue their regional goals without intragroup conflict. The United States has made it clear its immediate goal in Syria is the eradication of the Islamic State, while beyond that there is a certain degree of uncertainty. The long-term role of the US in Syria also remains unclear – President Trump once publicly called for a withdrawal of US forces, while his military leadership has issued conflicting statements and messages. Despite the major defeats inflicted on ISIS by the SDF and the US-led coalition, there are concerns as to how to prevent a re-emergence of terror after the campaign against the crumbling caliphate comes to an end. Speaking to the Washington Kurdish Institute (WKI), the Syrian Democratic Council’s (SDC) representative to the US, Sinem Mohamed stated that in order to keep ISIS away after conflict, the United States needs to give “economic support, medical support, hospitals, education, schools, and universities” to “support the people and to defeat the ideology of ISIS”.
The Islamic State has been pushed to the fringes of Syria and has lost the vast majority of territory it once occupied, however the threat is certainly not eliminated. As ISIS loses its ability to engage in organized warfare, its fighters have gone underground and continue to threaten peace and stability in the region, and the greater global community. In the post-ISIS era, the security of Northern & Eastern Syria will fall primarily to those who live in the region, including groups like the SDF, which favor a decentralized approach to security and governance. It thusly becomes critically important that these groups are given adequate support to not only defeat ISIS, but to keep it, and its ideology, defeated. Turkish military interference in Northern Syria has put this project at risk, by forcing the SDF and its allies to divert resources from combating ISIS and rebuilding liberated territories, to defending previously liberated areas from attack. Furthermore, the factions which Turkey has allied with under the nebulous umbrella of the so-called ‘Free Syrian Army’ have proven their unreliability in promoting peace and democratic principles through their actions in Northern Syria. One need only look to the actions of the Turkish-backed FSA in Afrin which looted the city upon capture, and have continued to perpetuate human rights abuses on the local, predominantly Kurdish population. The Chair of the Syriac National Council (SNC), Bassam Ishak told WKI that when the Turkish-FSA occupation began in Afrin, ethnic and religious minorities “right away lost religious freedom” with “Christians and other religious minorities like the Yazidis” being considered “second class citizens”. Many fear that the model of governance the FSA, and by extension Turkey, promotes will result in similar brutality and sectarianism across Syria if implemented more widely. When asked how the SDF would like to see Syria governed, the SDC’s Representative avowed that the SDF wanted to see cities and towns “administered by the people of the area”. She further stated that Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan “is turning a secular state into an Islamist state” and in Syria, he and his FSA proxies’ have never aimed to create a truly democratic Syria, but rather to advance the interests of the Turkish state and the radical Sunni factions which benefit from the demise of secularism and equality. Mrs. Mohamed put it bluntly: “Turkish nationalism is directly contrary to Syrian federalism”, and the failure of federalism in Syria can only benefit radical religious extremists.
Democratic principles and equitable treatment of civilians are the principles on which the SDF was founded and are the values which give its fighters an advantage over their opponents. These principles are aligned with the societal values of most of the Western democracies which comprise the US-led coalition, and the failure to support them in Syria might be the greatest misstep the United States could take in its war against the Islamic State. In the words of SNC Chairman Ishak, “Our vision is for a pluralistic Syria, a decentralized Syria, sharing power, separating religion from state, with gender equality and religious freedom. If this had happened in Turkey or any other Muslim country, it would be illegal. This is a model that is the antithesis of every oppressive regime… This is the real revolution”.
During a conversation with the WKI, both SDC representatives to US and SNC praised the SDF and their role in fighting terror groups.
WKI: What factors do you feel contributed to the SDF’s effectiveness in the fight against the Islamic State?
Sinem Mohammed SDC: “They are well qualified and well trained, their goal is not money, they are not militias or mercenaries. Their goal is to democratize Syria, they have a goal, a vision, a project. A democratic Syria and a pluralistic Syria. The pluralism in the SDF is key. There are Arabs, Kurds, Syriacs, Turkmens. They all have the same goal. It is these factors that allow them to be so effective against ISIS. They are defending human rights and gender equality, which is against the principles of ISIS. ISIS are against women in the army and the institutions. [The SDF] is against the principles of ISIS. They are for democracy, without consideration for the culture or religion of the people they fight for. They fight for the principles of human rights, coexistence, and equality. These goals are contrary to all other factions in the war. What is the Free Syrian Army? They steal, they rob, they rape, they kill. The FSA looks to make money. They sacrifice stability and peace for personal success.”
Bassam Ishak: “They are defending their land. ISIS comes as occupying foreign fighters. The fighter is totally different when he fights against an outsider. You don’t see all Syrians fighting with the FSA, you see foreigners. Groups in the FSA have ideology of radicalism and Islamism. This makes them dangerous for not just the region but for Europe and America. We are comparing democracy and radicalism, freedom for women or humiliation of women?”
WKI: How important is the role of the United States in securing the stability of the SDF and Eastern Syria? And vice versa, how important is the SDF to securing US geostrategic interests in Syria?
Bassam Ishak: “Our vision is for a pluralistic Syria, a decentralized Syria, power sharing, separating religion from state, gender equality, and religious freedom. If this had happened in Turkey or other Muslim country, this would be illegal. And they were okay. This is a model that the antithesis of every oppressive regime. We are complimented that a large nation with a big army, like Turkey, is threatened by us. This shows us that this is the real revolution. All regimes are against this model. It [Turkish intervention] slowed the attack against ISIS. Many fighters on the front with ISIS had to go back and fight in Afrin. It affected the battle at Raqqa. What happened in Afrin was revenge for what the SDF did to the Islamic State.
WKI: How does Turkish military action in Rojava (Operation Olive Branch & Euphrates Shield) complicate the US position in relation to the SDF?
Sinem Mohamed: “Turkey from 2011 played a great (major) role in the revolution in Syria. From the beginning Turkey controlled the political and military opposition. They adopted them, they helped them. They wanted to control them. The goal of Turkey was to control a new Ottoman Empire. Where is the opposition? Collapsing, while Turkey controls much of Northern Syria. The FSA are not independent, they are working for the interests of Turkey. And it is the interest of Turkey to control much of the land in Syria. Turkey is against the Kurdish issue in general. Erdogan is turning a secular state into an Islamist state. Their goal is not to create a democratic Syria. They are against it. Turkish nationalism is directly contrary to Syrian federalism.”
Bassam Ishak: “They are against the Ocalan project, because it is a pluralistic movement…If the Kurds and minorities are inspired by Syria, it will go to Turkey.”
Sinem Mohamed: “Turkey supported terrorism, radicalism, and ISIS… They want to empower Islamists in the region. Look at Turkey now, and compare it to Turkey fifteen years ago. It has changed. This will be very dangerous to Europe. It is threatening Europe and the region. What Erdogan is going to do is not only a danger for the region, but for Europe as well.”
WKI: How do you foresee the role of the United States and its coalition in Syria changing in the coming months, and why?
Sinem Mohamed: “The United States supported the SDF to defeat ISIS and terrorism. They support them militarily, but it is not enough. How could you keep these areas clean from terrorism? How could you make stability in the area? How could you make the people embrace a new ideology, and new system? They have been there under the rule of ISIS for years. All of this will not be defeated militarily. This needs a new system. Political support for the pluralistic ideas. Economic support, giving medical support – hospitals, education, schools, and universities. Support the people to defeat the ideology of ISIS. People need to live in dignity, they need to have a good education, and they need food. Many people joined ISIS to get money, that’s all. If you cannot provide the people with these things, they will go back to ISIS. We have to make stability by supporting the democratic system in the region. If not, it will be a mess, and ISIS will still be in the region. If they leave Syria, they have to provide these people with the supporting systems of economics and health and so on.”
WKI: What is the SDC’s long term solution to the Manbij border situation?
Sinem Mohamed: “Not just for Manbij, but for the entire region, we would like to see it administered by the people of the area. This is what was happening in Manbij. The people of Manbij must defend their area, and if they need support they need only ask.”
WKI: Would you say there are concerns regarding the treatment of ethnic minorities under the rule of Turkey and its allies In Syria?
Bassam Ishak: “Right away they lost religious freedom. In the Turkish model that was imposed in Afrin, the Christians and other religious minorities like the Yazidis are second class citizens. And then you have Kurds who converted to Christianity from Islam – they are not even allowed to survive. Killing them was legalized. This is what happened in Afrin. You had about 1,250 Kurds who converted to Christianity, who were tolerated and accepted by the people of Afrin. They had to flee, all of them. And they [the FSA] took over their buildings.”
Sinem Mohamed is a long time Kurdish activist defending the Kurdish rights in Syria, and Bassam Ishak is a Syriac Christian who does not share a similar language, religion, or culture with Sinem. However, both figures seem to be in total agreement envisioning the future of Syria. That vision is a decentralized Syria where communities govern themselves and have the SDF as a guarantor of human rights.