A security vacuum created by Baghdad’s shortsighted policies has allowed ISIS (Da’esh) to reemerge in Iraq’s disputed areas and the group is now poised for resurgence. Over the past five weeks, Da’esh attacks have killed 24 Peshmerga.
Washington Kurdish Institute
December 6, 2021
An ineffective security arrangement imposed by the Iraqi government in Kurdish areas outside of the current boundaries of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI), known as the “disputed territories”, continues to have dire consequences, with potentially global ramifications. The Peshmerga forces, who have worked to provide some security for these neglected areas of the country, have been left vulnerable by Baghdad’s approach to security and, as a result, have recently suffered many at the hands of the so-called Islamic State (ISIS, also known as Da’esh) terrorist group, who have taken advantage of the security vacuum created by Baghdad and remain active in these regions. Over the past five weeks, 24 Peshmerga have been killed in Da’esh attacks in Kifri, Pirde (Altun Kupri), and Makhmour. One of the most brutal attacks occurred on Thursday, December 2nd, in a Kurdish village near Makhmour, in which Da’esh terrorists attacked Kurds with RPGs and sub-machine guns, killing three civilian brothers and two Peshmerga. Da’esh terrorists simultaneously ambushed a nearby Peshmerga post killing seven more. This coordinated terror attack was part of a series of recent assaults on Peshmerga throughout the disputed territories. Another seven Peshmerga were killed near Kifri in two separate attacks on November 27th and 29th, while two more Peshmerga were killed on October 30th in the area between Pirde and Makhmour.
Da’esh – still a major threat
It is clear that, despite the elimination of their territorial “caliphate”, Da’esh remains formidable and poses a significant threat throughout the region. Various failures on the part of the Iraqi government have made the reemergence of Da’esh even more likely, particularly in the disputed territories, which have long been forsaken by Baghdad, with deadly consequences for the local peoples of these areas.
The disputed territories were most secure when the Peshmerga forces protected this region after the Iraqi Armed Forces abandoned their posts in much of the north of the country when Da’esh overran Mosul and other provinces in June 2014. Peshmerga forces stepped in and filled the vacuum that was created, providing security for Kurds and others living in the disputed territories and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI), standing guard along a border of approximately 900 km with the so-called caliphate when Da’esh was at its strongest. In addition to preventing Da’esh from reaching the KRI, the Peshmerga foiled many attacks on Kirkuk, which was openly coveted by the terrorist group, preventing the city from falling into the hands of terror group despite many casualties endured by the Peshmerga in its defense. However, since October 16, 2017, the disputed territories have faced increased threats and frequent terror attacks, while Iraqi forces and Iranian-backed militias in this region fail to provide security. The deterioration in security and reemergence of Da’esh are a direct result of former Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi’s decision to use the Iraqi Army and Iranian-backed militias to attack the Kurds in 2017, using Kurdistan’s Independence Referendum as a pretense for military aggression against the once peaceful area. Taking the silence of the United States and international community as a green light for this unprovoked attack, the Iraqi forces and Iranian-backed militias committed war crimes in the areas they invaded and occupied, burning Kurdish homes and displacing many Kurdish civilians.
Kurds in the disputed territories have suffered greatly since the events of October 16, 2017. The famous Arabization policy has been re-imposed by Baghdad against Kurds and minority groups. Kurdish villagers and farm owners in Kirkuk face threats of forced eviction by Arab tribes who seek to occupy their land on a nearly daily basis. Iraqi security forces have even gone as far as to accompany the Arab occupiers and assist them in confiscating property from Kurdish land owners. The current administration in Kirkuk, which was illegally imposed by Baghdad following the events of October 16, 2017, fully supports the current Arabization policy in Kirkuk. Furthermore, Kurds in Khanaqin, Kirkuk, Tuz Khurmatu, Makhmour, Shingal (Sinjar), and other disputed territories have been removed from hundreds of security and administrative positions. The deterioration of basic services such as electricity, water, garbage collection and fuel distribution has led to frequent protests by the local population. During several anti-government protests, even non-Kurdish demonstrators praised the pre-October 16, 2017, Kurdish-led administration of Kirkuk.
The disputed territories are lawless and fast becoming bases of operations for Da’esh. The US-led coalition has conducted hundreds of airstrikes on the Qarachogh mountain range near Makhmour, where many attacks on the Peshmerga forces have occurred. This mountain range has become the de facto headquarters for Da’esh and a major source of income, with terrorists kidnapping civilians for ransom.
Frequent fatal attacks by Da’esh on Iraqi security forces has also created public pressure on Baghdad to reevaluate its strategy in the disputed territories and reconsider cooperation with the Kurdish forces, who are actually from those areas. However, after two years of negotiations and so-called agreements with the Kurdish authorities in Erbil, Baghdad has failed to work with the Kurds to resolve security issues which have led to a drastic increase in Da’esh attacks on civilians, Peshmerga and Iraqi security forces. The “joint operations command” between the Iraqi army and the Peshmerga forces is only symbolic, as Baghdad continues to completely control the security file.
For Baghdad, the security of the disputed territories is not a major concern – the Iraqi government’s priorities in these parts of the country are to control their natural resources and change the demographics of this region to make them majority Arab. Baghdad, including the majority of Iranian-backed parties, are repeating the policies of Saddam Hussein with the full backing of Turkey and Iran.
Kurds must take control of their own protection
Three brothers, one just 11 years old, were killed by Da’esh terrorists because they carried weapons and defended their family and village. One of their family members said, “We cannot be farmers and security officers at the same time,” a tragic testament to the dysfunction of Iraq’s security policy in the area. Iraq does not allow Peshmerga to protect Kurdish land in the disputed territories, nor do they provide security to protect civilians. The obvious solution is for the Peshmerga to return to the disputed territories immediately to protect the region as they did prior to October 16, 2017. This will also help the Iraqi forces, who are foreign to the region. The return of the Peshmerga forces should at a minimum be the same as the pre-2014 security arrangement, where actual joint operations took place involving Kurdish and Iraqi forces. Furthermore, Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi needs to work with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) to overcome these security challenges, which will help him politically by bringing stability and security to a troubled region and winning Kurdish support in the Parliament.Additionally, the return of the Peshmerga forces will limit the movement of the Iranian-backed militias, who have been a major destabilizing force in the country for many years. Finally, the US and other countries in the global anti-Da’esh coalition need to pressure Baghdad to allow Kurdish forces to return to the disputed territories to fight Da’esh and prevent Iranian-backed militias from attacking US and other allied forces. Unless the Peshmerga forces return to the disputed territories areas, these regions will continue to suffer and Da’esh will be allowed to reemerge as a threat to the region and global security.
Mr. Sierwan Najmaldin Karim, President of the Washington Kurdish Institute (WKI)